In 1999, Mojtaba went to Qom, a holy city which is considered an important centre of Shia theology, to continue his religious studies. It is notable that he did not wear clerical clothing until this time, and it is unclear why he decided to attend a seminary at 30, as it is more usual to do so in one’s younger years.
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The results highlighted mounting scepticism on the island over Washington’s security guarantees, according to the survey released on Monday by the Taipei-based Democracy Foundation.
The poll found that 57 per cent of respondents did not believe the US would send troops to defend the island if war broke out in the Taiwan Strait – and thereby risk direct conflict with mainland China.
Less than a quarter said they believed Washington would help militarily.
Asked if US forces could provide timely and effective military assistance in a crisis, 55.6 per cent said no – versus 31.5 per cent who believed they could.
Confidence in US-made weapons was equally low: 49 per cent lacked faith in their defensive power, while just over a third expressed confidence.
The results highlighted mounting scepticism on the island over Washington’s security guarantees, according to the survey released on Monday by the Taipei-based Democracy Foundation.
The poll found that 57 per cent of respondents did not believe the US would send troops to defend the island if war broke out in the Taiwan Strait – and thereby risk direct conflict with mainland China.
Less than a quarter said they believed Washington would help militarily.
Asked if US forces could provide timely and effective military assistance in a crisis, 55.6 per cent said no – versus 31.5 per cent who believed they could.
Confidence in US-made weapons was equally low: 49 per cent lacked faith in their defensive power, while just over a third expressed confidence.
The results highlighted mounting scepticism on the island over Washington’s security guarantees, according to the survey released on Monday by the Taipei-based Democracy Foundation.
The poll found that 57 per cent of respondents did not believe the US would send troops to defend the island if war broke out in the Taiwan Strait – and thereby risk direct conflict with mainland China.
Less than a quarter said they believed Washington would help militarily.
Asked if US forces could provide timely and effective military assistance in a crisis, 55.6 per cent said no – versus 31.5 per cent who believed they could.
Confidence in US-made weapons was equally low: 49 per cent lacked faith in their defensive power, while just over a third expressed confidence.
In the Gulf, the ceasefire is holding. But only just. For Edward Hobart, British Ambassador to the United Arab Emirates, that fragile pause is the only thing standing between contained tension and renewed escalation.
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In an interview with Euronews, Hobart said that “the important thing is that there is a ceasefire still… we’re not going to resolve the war while we’re still fighting.”
The message is blunt. Diplomacy does not begin in parallel with conflict. It follows it. And for now, the region is suspended in that narrow gap between the two.
“I think we don’t know yet… but we hope, of course, that it’s part of the beginning step into something which brings us to a sustainable resolution.”
Whether that hope holds depends largely on a stretch of water just 33 kilometres wide. The Strait of Hormuz is not just a regional flashpoint. It is a global pressure point, carrying a significant share of the world’s oil supply. When it closes, the consequences are immediate and far-reaching.
“You can’t talk very easily while you’re firing missiles across the Straits of Hormuz,” Hobart said.
That urgency is already shaping diplomatic engagement between London and Abu Dhabi, particularly in recent talks between the UK Foreign Secretary and the UAE Foreign Minister.
“They obviously focused fundamentally on the current regional situation and Iran and in particular on the critical importance of getting the Straits of Hormuz open again,” according to Hobart.
Behind that sits a broader strategic calibration. Security cooperation is being reinforced, but so too are the systems that underpin long-term resilience, from energy transition to financial security.
“We agreed a framework of cooperation between our countries,” Hobart says, including work “not just in foreign policy and in defence, but also in AI… in the energy transition… in tackling global crime and illicit finance.”
On the ground, that partnership has already been tested. The recent attacks were not incremental. They marked a step change, “unprecedented, unwarranted and hugely dangerous, risking lives.”
And yet, the outcome could have been significantly worse. The UAE’s defensive systems held. “They’ve intercepted 95% of the projectiles fired at this country.”
That figure is more than a statistic. It is a signal of preparedness, coordination, and a defence architecture functioning under pressure.
For the UK, the response has been deliberately controlled. Support without escalation. “This wasn’t the UK’s war… but particularly in defence of the Gulf countries, we have enabled the US to help support that defence.”
At the same time, the crisis has triggered a wider international alignment. Maritime security, once a technical issue, has become a geopolitical priority. “What we want is the law of the sea to be followed… these international thoroughfares… open and flowing.”
That position is now backed by scale. “There were over 50 countries taking part… who are there to support freedom of navigation… in the Straits de Hormuz.”
Even so, the underlying risk has not disappeared. It has been managed, not removed. “I think the risk is there… the risk is reduced while there isn’t fighting and while there is a prospect of talking.”
For residents in the UAE, that translates into a cautious normality. Daily life continues, but with an awareness that conditions can shift quickly. “For expats that are here… at the moment you can live a pretty normal life, but you need to pay attention to what the authorities are saying.”
That balance, between reassurance and realism, has defined the response. “I think it’s getting the balance right between a kind of calming message… but also the need to respond to a very unusual situation.”
Zoom out, and a more structural picture emerges. The UAE operates in a region it cannot control. Its strength lies in how it responds. “The UAE can’t control the whole of that environment, so it’s about how does it flex and respond to that overall.”
And despite the pressure, those fundamentals remain intact. “The fundamentals for the UAE haven’t changed… it also has a brilliant geography… and a business environment which is very conducive and open.”
For now, that balance is holding.
In the Gulf, the ceasefire is holding. But only just. For Edward Hobart, British Ambassador to the United Arab Emirates, that fragile pause is the only thing standing between contained tension and renewed escalation.
ADVERTISEMENT
ADVERTISEMENT
In an interview with Euronews, Hobart said that “the important thing is that there is a ceasefire still… we’re not going to resolve the war while we’re still fighting.”
The message is blunt. Diplomacy does not begin in parallel with conflict. It follows it. And for now, the region is suspended in that narrow gap between the two.
“I think we don’t know yet… but we hope, of course, that it’s part of the beginning step into something which brings us to a sustainable resolution.”
Whether that hope holds depends largely on a stretch of water just 33 kilometres wide. The Strait of Hormuz is not just a regional flashpoint. It is a global pressure point, carrying a significant share of the world’s oil supply. When it closes, the consequences are immediate and far-reaching.
“You can’t talk very easily while you’re firing missiles across the Straits of Hormuz,” Hobart said.
That urgency is already shaping diplomatic engagement between London and Abu Dhabi, particularly in recent talks between the UK Foreign Secretary and the UAE Foreign Minister.
“They obviously focused fundamentally on the current regional situation and Iran and in particular on the critical importance of getting the Straits of Hormuz open again,” according to Hobart.
Behind that sits a broader strategic calibration. Security cooperation is being reinforced, but so too are the systems that underpin long-term resilience, from energy transition to financial security.
“We agreed a framework of cooperation between our countries,” Hobart says, including work “not just in foreign policy and in defence, but also in AI… in the energy transition… in tackling global crime and illicit finance.”
On the ground, that partnership has already been tested. The recent attacks were not incremental. They marked a step change, “unprecedented, unwarranted and hugely dangerous, risking lives.”
And yet, the outcome could have been significantly worse. The UAE’s defensive systems held. “They’ve intercepted 95% of the projectiles fired at this country.”
That figure is more than a statistic. It is a signal of preparedness, coordination, and a defence architecture functioning under pressure.
For the UK, the response has been deliberately controlled. Support without escalation. “This wasn’t the UK’s war… but particularly in defence of the Gulf countries, we have enabled the US to help support that defence.”
At the same time, the crisis has triggered a wider international alignment. Maritime security, once a technical issue, has become a geopolitical priority. “What we want is the law of the sea to be followed… these international thoroughfares… open and flowing.”
That position is now backed by scale. “There were over 50 countries taking part… who are there to support freedom of navigation… in the Straits de Hormuz.”
Even so, the underlying risk has not disappeared. It has been managed, not removed. “I think the risk is there… the risk is reduced while there isn’t fighting and while there is a prospect of talking.”
For residents in the UAE, that translates into a cautious normality. Daily life continues, but with an awareness that conditions can shift quickly. “For expats that are here… at the moment you can live a pretty normal life, but you need to pay attention to what the authorities are saying.”
That balance, between reassurance and realism, has defined the response. “I think it’s getting the balance right between a kind of calming message… but also the need to respond to a very unusual situation.”
Zoom out, and a more structural picture emerges. The UAE operates in a region it cannot control. Its strength lies in how it responds. “The UAE can’t control the whole of that environment, so it’s about how does it flex and respond to that overall.”
And despite the pressure, those fundamentals remain intact. “The fundamentals for the UAE haven’t changed… it also has a brilliant geography… and a business environment which is very conducive and open.”
For now, that balance is holding.
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